table of contents

05/20/2017

Hans Sluga on Trump's “Empire of Disorientation”

Who is Donald Trump, and what does he stand for? Do we know? Does he himself know? Or is he caught in that precarious state of disorientation that characterizes our current political predicament?   The public discourse is heated, the language inflammatory. Philosopher Hans Sluga of the University of California, Berkeley, brings a cool head […]

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This is KZSU, Stanford.
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(upbeat music)
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Welcome to entitled opinions.
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My name is Robert Harrison.
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And we're coming to you from the Stanford campus.
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(upbeat music)
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(singing in foreign language)
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Does that sound to you what it sounds like to me?
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A cry of despair coming from the wounded heart
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of this land of ours,
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this country at war with itself,
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this nation whose fallen angels always rise up again in fury
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to devastate what its better angels work so hard
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to bring about.
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We live in an unhinged world friends,
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and I dread these terrible angels who swarm up
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from Tartarus time and again
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to remind us of the power they exert over us,
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and who keep our union divided.
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They are the flies, they are Limush.
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They are the ones who chain us to the sins of our forebears,
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and who declare, "Thou shall not overcome,
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"Thou shall not get over to the other side."
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Who will rid us of the flies?
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And what happens to a nation
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when the person we elect to its highest office
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is himself a brundal fly?
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We have the world, we deserve friends,
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we have the government we deserve,
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we have the president we deserve,
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and its purple haze all around.
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Don't know if we're coming up or down.
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They're buzzing all around.
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Welcome back to entitled opinions, Liz Ami.
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It's been a very long time since our last confession.
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I know way too long for some of you,
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If only briefly, with a handful of new shows for you
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our longtime production manager, Dylan Montanati,
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Vittoria is a second year graduate student
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You're all going to want to check it out.
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That's entitledopignions, one word,
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So thank you, Vittoria, on behalf of the entire
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a Stanford undergraduate who has been
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an assistant producer of entitled opinions
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It's great to have him on board with us again.
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Cynthia runs one of the finest literary blogs out there.
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It's called the book haven.
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And those of you who follow entitled opinions
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Cynthia is in charge of our public outreach as it were,
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but don't worry, it's all very discreet.
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Nothing that goes against our core principles
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The day entitled opinions opens a Facebook or Twitter account
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We're not here to make the wasteland grow,
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but to open up a little oasis in it.
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We're not here to spread the darkness,
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but to hold vigil during its long night
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of present day nihilism.
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entitled opinions on ongoing war against deadness,
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above all, deadness of brain.
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Speaking of brain deadness,
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what has happened to this republic of ours
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since entitled opinions went on hiatus almost a year ago?
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Something weird, something untoward,
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something that Nietzsche called the uncanniest of monsters,
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namely nihilism.
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In his notebooks, Nietzsche wrote,
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"Nihilism stands at the door,
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"wence comes this most uncanny of guests."
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Nihilism has indeed come to the door,
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the door of our homeland,
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and we have taken in the guests
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who is at once alien and monstrous,
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yet at the same time familiar and close,
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an intimate friend of our inner psyches.
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Nihilism, the devaluation of the highest values,
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the failure of values to preserve their value,
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the default of Amor Mundi,
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or our love of the world that we share in common.
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The guest is uncanny because it's our will to truth
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that exposed our values lack of foundations,
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including the value of truth itself.
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Nihilism, which is brought about by the will to truth,
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undermines its very claims,
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and leaves us in a state of aggravated uncertainty
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about everything.
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This uncanniest of guests is indeed at the door,
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and we have indeed invited him into the house.
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Now that he's inside, we have no choice,
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but to think the uncanny by thinking uncannily.
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That means trying to grasp what is familiar in the strange,
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and what is strange in the familiar.
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Uncanny thought is the challenge we face today on KZSU
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as we turn our attention during the next hour
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to Donald J. Trump, the 45th president
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of the United States of America,
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which once again has shown its capacity
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for the extraordinary, the unprecedented,
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and the unthinkable.
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It showed it eight years ago
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when it elected Barack Obama to the office,
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and it's done it again in reverse
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when it elected Mr. Trump to succeed him.
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I'm pleased to welcome back to entitled opinions,
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my friend and colleague Hans Sluga,
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who is well known to those of you
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who follow this radio program.
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The show he and I did on Michel Foucault
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a few years back remains one of our most popular.
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The same goes for our more recent show on Wittgenstein.
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Hans Sluga is a professor of philosophy at UC Berkeley,
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author of several books,
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among his most recent is Wittgenstein,
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brought out by Wiley Blackwell in 2011.
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Another book I highly recommend is Politics
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and the Search for the Common Good.
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That one came out in 2014 with Cambridge University Press.
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We've devoted shows to each of these two major books today.
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Professor Sluga is here to talk with me
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about Donald Trump and American Plutocracy.
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That's the topic of a lecture he delivered at Berkeley
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a couple of months ago.
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So let's get right down to business.
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Hans, welcome back to entitled opinions.
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Thanks for joining us on KZSU.
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- Thank you, it's always great to talk to you, Robert.
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- So the title of this talk that you gave at Berkeley is
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Donald Trump between populist rhetoric
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and Plutocratic rule.
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And you begin by asking a series of questions.
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Namely, who is Donald Trump and what does he stand for?
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Do we know?
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Does he himself know?
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Or is he caught like all of us
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in that precarious state of disorientation
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that characterizes our political situation at this time?
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So maybe you could say something about this
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present empire of disorientation as you call it to begin with?
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- Well, the first thing we have to think about is where are we
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when we think politically?
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And all politics takes place in a space of uncertainty.
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We always know less than we should.
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We don't know the consequences of our actions.
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We are not always quite clear about our purposes
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and desires either.
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But we find ourselves today in a situation
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that is much more extreme than this.
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Our world has become so complex.
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Population grows around the world.
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We are now at more than 7 billion.
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We all shouldn't be 9 billion.
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There is a vastly increasing technology
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that has brought about globalization
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with all of its side effects.
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And we have affected our environment,
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both in natural, multi-cultural environment
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in very deep ways.
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We don't know what the effects of all this will be
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in the long run. So we find ourselves acting now
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in a situation in which we are not sure anymore,
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what it is where we are and what we want.
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And I want to say that's really the empire
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of disorientation, which affects all of us
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in some fashion or other, but which is also characteristic
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of certain figures who are brought up in this environment,
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Donald Trump being one of them.
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- And I take it that for you Donald Trump
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is a particularly extreme case of disoriented
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leader in the sense that he is full of contradictions.
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It's very hard to understand what his ideology,
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if there is a coherent ideology that drives him,
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or what his strategy is for going about
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achieving his political goals, what his motivations are.
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It seems that he's not like someone like Madin Lupin
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France who for better or for worse has a relatively coherent
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political vision and ideology that goes back to her father
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and to a kind of traditional right wing political sphere
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whereas with Trump we don't have any certainties
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of that sort at all.
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- Yes, so we have just heard that he has probably changed
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his party affiliation seven or eight times
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in the cause of recent years.
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And when we look at his career, everything from his real estate
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development to a reality star to being a precocious,
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Twitter, a businessman, president, politician,
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everything he is, right?
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So he has really no fixed personality, I want to say,
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his persona changes with the occasion.
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- Right.
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- So some people have feared or dreading the prospect
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that he may be more along the lines of a traditional fascist
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if he's given the opportunity, but having read the text
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of your lecture, you want to warn against any kind
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of easy correlation between fascism and Donald Trump
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as a leader.
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- Yes, so I want to say that this empire of disorientation
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of which, as speak, doesn't simply have
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Trump and his followers in its citizens,
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but we are too caught in the same condition.
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We find ourselves in a reality that we can't fully understand.
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Hagel once said that the old of Minerva starts,
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it's flight at dusk, yes, meaning philosophers can really
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understand only things once they have passed their prime,
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once they are on disappearing when the world becomes gray
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as Hagel says.
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- So we have far from being an avant-garde enterprise.
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We are really looking at reality,
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trying to comprehend the matter that comprehension takes time.
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We often like the words, and I think that's where we find
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ourselves also as theorize us as philosophers
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for political theorists.
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- Yeah, I mean, those of us who are not entitled opinions.
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- Yes, yes.
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- We're also what I mentioned, brain-deadness,
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is a growing sort of--
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- Growing phenomena alone.
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- Perhaps it's also a healthy defensive reaction
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against an excess of disorientation among people,
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because as you say, there's so much uncertainty
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that perhaps shutting off the thought process
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is a natural reaction.
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- So I think part of our disorientation manifests itself
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in the fact that we have only very simple terms available
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to talk about Trump.
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One of them is to say that he is a fascist.
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Another one is that he's a populist.
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The third one is that we must understand him in terms
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of a very individual set of psychological foibles
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and eccentricities.
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A fourth one says he's really neoliberal.
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Some of you want to say he's just fundamentally
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and conservative or Republican.
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- So what is the case against him,
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or against the possibility that we are in a historical
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situation politically that could lead to our own version
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where reenactment of the fascism of the '20s and '30s?
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- Well, political terms are always used
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in a very broad fashion.
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They often used also very polemically.
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And I think that's what's happened with the word fascist.
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We have drained it over much of its specific meaning.
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And I even want to say, if we want to use this term
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as a piece of polemic, it's fine with me.
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I don't object to that, but it doesn't really help
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with analysis.
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So fascism brings us back to the 20th century.
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- Mussolini first and Italy, but then also other fascist states
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of Europe, including German national socialism.
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And they kind of represented something that was quite
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different from what we have now, Nimi,
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an organized, strong state, powerful state
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in which the whole population is organized in some fashion,
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moving along with the movement of the young towards
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a new future.
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So it's a form of statism that is quite absent from
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what we find in America today or what Trump may be aiming at.
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- Right.
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So fascism doesn't fit neoliberalism.
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I believe you told me that this paper or this lecture
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that you delivered, which you will also go on to develop,
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you went to a larger book project that you had heard
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a lecture previously that was saying that the Trump
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presidency is just neoliberalism coming back.
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- Yes, and it's normal for you.
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You don't agree with that.
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- So my distinguished colleague,
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Wendy Brown from Political Science in Berkeley,
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lectured in the same series in which I gave my talk
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a couple of months ago.
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And her analysis was that Trump is fundamentally a neoliberal
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and has to be understood in as a neoliberal.
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And we have to critique him in the same way in which we could
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critique neoliberalism around the world.
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- So what is a neoliberal?
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- neoliberalism in my understanding is a doctrine which seeks
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to really separate politics from the state
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and assert the preeminence of the economic, over the political.
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Trump seems to be to represent something quite different.
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I mean, the unification of the political and the economic.
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So he's both a businessman.
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He remains a businessman while he is a president.
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And he said famously in New York Times interview
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that for the president there can't be a conflict of interest.
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- Right, we're gonna get back to that.
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But first, another option, which is that a populist.
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So he ran as a populist.
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A lot of his rhetoric was populist,
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but you also are not convinced that there's a genuine
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populism at work there.
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- Again, as with the term fascism,
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the word populism has become partly a political term
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as much of its substantive meaning.
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And so we really have to try to recapture what could be meant
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by this.
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I take populism as a doctrine which upholds what I call
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the virtue of the people versus the corruption of the elites.
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And that kind of way of speaking is certainly very
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prominent in Trump's inaugural lecture.
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- Oh, yes.
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In fact, if you don't mind, I'll quote her or listen
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or some of the, what he said there about,
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for too long, a small group in our nation's capital
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has reaped the rewards of government
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while the people have borne the costs,
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the establishment protected itself,
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but not the citizens of our country.
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Their victories have not been your victories.
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Their triumphs have not been your triumphs
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and while they celebrated in our nation's capital,
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there was little to celebrate for struggling families
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all across our land and so on and so forth.
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It sounds like very bonafide populism there.
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- It is indeed, yes.
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So that's why I say that he uses a populist rhetoric,
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but he positions himself in a very different place.
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They may have much more plutocratic form of government.
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It has very little to do with populism.
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- But before you make your case for the plutocratic Trump,
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you say that we should go by a few simple guidelines
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and that the first, it's a set aside,
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at least for the time being what Trump has said
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since we know that a politician's likely
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to adapt his words to the occasion
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and that we can't really trust
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that he is telling us what he really thinks
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and a second guideline is to set aside
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what the politician thinks and this would I like.
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In so far as we can even make that out
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because what he thinks and what really motivates him
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are not necessarily the same thing.
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That's a very important point.
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But there's also the third guideline
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that we should set aside easy speculations
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that we ourselves are prone to about what might motivate Trump
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and what he might do and what the consequences of his actions
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might be and instead you say we should concentrate first
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on the empirical facts and establish
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three kind of undeniable empirical facts.
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So three of which are important.
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The first is that Trump is a multi-billionaire.
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The second that although he started by no means
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from nothing he is in essence a self-made man
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and the third that whatever else he has done
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he is above all a real estate developer.
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So these are these three truths.
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Maybe we can go through them one at a time briefly
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to build a case for the bureaucracy that he has.
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- So it's not only is it billionaire
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but he has surrounded himself with billionaire friends.
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If he lives in a billionaire environment,
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he has spent many years down in Florida
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as we now find him
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for recommending the place very often.
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But he has a whole circle of billionaire friends
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there with whom he has been in close contact.
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Some of them have been given political tasks now
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in this regime.
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He has been financed by billionaires.
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He lives in a billionaire world,
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not in a world of people who are unemployed,
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impoverished, disillusioned, populist.
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- Exactly.
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And on the question of the real estate man,
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that's important.
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The self-made man we can talk about later.
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But given that he made his fortune in real estate
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that for you is important because a real estate tycoon
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is someone who has to deal with government
00:20:52.360
and the institutions of government.
00:20:54.040
Because real estate depends on obtaining licenses
00:20:57.920
and permits and traffic issues and so forth.
00:21:02.920
So he has a long history of dealing with government
00:21:06.680
at the local and perhaps even at the national level
00:21:09.480
because real estate developers require
00:21:12.480
that kind of collaboration.
00:21:13.840
And he's used his money to promote his real estate interest
00:21:18.000
and this is very important in understanding him as a president.
00:21:21.160
- Yes.
00:21:22.480
More generally speaking,
00:21:23.640
I think we have underestimated the political significance
00:21:27.200
of real estate in our world.
00:21:29.480
This has come to my opinion,
00:21:32.080
my attention first when I spend some time living in Hong Kong
00:21:35.600
and I realize that Hong Kong is all about real estate.
00:21:40.240
The richest people in Hong Kong are real estate magnates.
00:21:43.440
They dominate the political scene as well.
00:21:45.920
They determine everything.
00:21:47.840
And they are completely in agreement
00:21:50.400
with the Beijing government.
00:21:51.800
They are very pro-mainland Chinese Beijing oriented
00:21:56.560
because they like the authoritarianism of Beijing.
00:22:00.640
And they do not like unrest.
00:22:02.560
They do not like a populace that demonstrates against them
00:22:06.320
or they're interests.
00:22:07.680
- Right.
00:22:08.800
- And so I think there is a very specific character
00:22:11.480
to real estate.
00:22:12.320
We have seen this across the world.
00:22:14.840
Real estate has been the one area of our economics
00:22:19.080
where there have been very large profits made.
00:22:22.640
The 2008 crisis was a cause in America
00:22:26.280
was a real estate crisis, right?
00:22:27.840
As we know, it was a crisis
00:22:29.640
because so much money was being made
00:22:31.280
in a very abnormal fashion and it all collapsed.
00:22:36.040
But money is still being made.
00:22:38.680
It has been made in real estate in recent years
00:22:41.000
across the world and Trump is somebody who's
00:22:44.040
prefitted from this and he's a characteristic figure
00:22:46.680
of that kind of business.
00:22:48.320
- And how do you see him being a real estate person
00:22:51.640
operate in his still young presidency?
00:22:55.560
- Well, he says you know he has a big hotel right next
00:22:59.720
to the very close to the White House.
00:23:03.360
And he rents it out to passing diplomats.
00:23:06.040
Business is everywhere in his life.
00:23:12.160
So when recently Angela Merkel in Germany
00:23:16.560
was trying to improve her relationship with Trump,
00:23:21.040
she made sure to invite Ivanka Trump to Germany
00:23:25.200
and give her a prominent role at a conference
00:23:27.880
on women's interest in politics
00:23:31.040
because she thought this is the way to get
00:23:34.160
an entry into the Trump universe, right?
00:23:36.600
And so it's via this business interest
00:23:39.640
that you get close to Trump.
00:23:42.000
- But at the same time, the relation again
00:23:46.320
as on real estate and government, you know this,
00:23:48.680
you write that it shares,
00:23:52.240
these real estate type of thing
00:23:53.960
you might share with neoliberals
00:23:57.000
a dislike of restrictive regulations,
00:24:00.160
but unlike the neoliberals,
00:24:02.520
they do always seek positive contact with government.
00:24:06.720
Real estate needs permits and easements.
00:24:08.600
It is dependent on city planning, traffic planning
00:24:10.600
on the availability of power and sewage lines
00:24:12.800
of schools and parks real estate typically depends
00:24:14.920
on various kinds of subsidy and tax relief and so forth.
00:24:18.840
So this would be demarcation away
00:24:23.560
from the neoliberal extent
00:24:26.160
and that therefore Trump is not anti-government,
00:24:30.000
he just has a different notion of what governments' role is
00:24:33.040
in this alliance between economy and politics.
00:24:37.040
- Yes, and he wants less regulation
00:24:40.240
in order to assert his own real to power,
00:24:42.920
I think more effectively.
00:24:44.440
So he's an authoritarian certainly,
00:24:46.320
we shouldn't doubt that at all,
00:24:48.600
but not somebody who's necessarily out to destroy
00:24:51.720
the state or the institutions.
00:24:53.920
- Right, so how do you reconcile that?
00:24:56.000
You spoke about the Hong Kong magnates
00:24:58.480
being in favor of a strong authoritarian government,
00:25:01.800
but why then deregulation?
00:25:06.320
Why is, because that doesn't seem to go
00:25:08.760
with strong authoritarian governments?
00:25:10.800
- No, you want deregulation of your business
00:25:13.120
so that you can build more of your buildings,
00:25:15.880
building codes are adapted to your interests,
00:25:19.000
but you also want to collaborate with a government,
00:25:23.240
you want government to act in terms of your business
00:25:28.200
so that we are state interests here.
00:25:29.880
- And this is how you define plutocracy.
00:25:32.200
In fact, you say it is this integration of politics
00:25:34.920
and business that he represents
00:25:37.120
and its name is plutocracy.
00:25:39.080
So can you say a few words about what exactly is plutocracy?
00:25:42.640
It's an old, one of the traditional forms of government,
00:25:46.960
but yeah, in the traditional sense,
00:25:48.600
how do we understand plutocracy?
00:25:50.480
- Plutocracy, of course, means literally
00:25:52.520
the rule of the rich.
00:25:54.560
Plutuss is the god of money.
00:25:57.160
- Not the worst form of government according to Aristotle.
00:25:59.800
- Not the worst form of government, tyranny is.
00:26:01.960
- There is tyranny is, right.
00:26:03.200
But still, far down the ladder,
00:26:07.120
because it's a form of government
00:26:09.320
that is in the interest of the few
00:26:11.480
of those rich people, particularly.
00:26:14.520
And so another word that Aristotle
00:26:17.360
and Plato uses oligarchy, the rule of the few.
00:26:20.720
So by, by, by do the rich want to rule,
00:26:24.960
there are many reasons.
00:26:26.200
I think some of them are motivated by religious ideological
00:26:30.520
motivations.
00:26:31.800
There is always, of course, that interest to maintain
00:26:35.160
and preserve and protect what you have,
00:26:37.560
as well as to expand it if possible.
00:26:40.080
So they are monetary interests,
00:26:42.400
but they are also ideologically interested
00:26:44.720
that plutocrats can have.
00:26:47.240
- Yes, so in the traditional plutocracies
00:26:49.640
that we know from history,
00:26:51.160
so we have the Renaissance Florence
00:26:53.920
was very much a plutocracy when it was under the rule
00:26:57.120
of the Medici family.
00:26:58.680
The Dutch Republic of the 17th century
00:27:01.760
is notorious plutocracy.
00:27:04.240
But as you point out, in those cases,
00:27:06.520
the interests of the plutocrats
00:27:09.560
had strong connections with the interests of the people,
00:27:13.920
or let's say this society,
00:27:15.960
because in Florence, Florence had common enemies.
00:27:19.400
There was a common religion, Christian religion.
00:27:21.880
There was a sense that we all belong to
00:27:23.880
the city status such.
00:27:27.240
Therefore, plutocracy worked, to some extent,
00:27:30.640
in line with the public interest.
00:27:36.000
In the Dutch Republic as well,
00:27:37.520
it was also a period of cultural flourishing,
00:27:39.760
artistic philosophical, as we know,
00:27:42.400
because they did have a strong sense of collective identity.
00:27:47.400
Your claim is that plutocracy today in America
00:27:52.280
is similar in some respects
00:27:55.560
to the traditional plutocracies of the past,
00:27:58.040
but very different in other respects
00:28:00.840
because it does not have the same sort of alignment
00:28:05.160
with the public interest and the public sphere.
00:28:10.720
Yes, because we also, of course,
00:28:12.760
have to see this new plutocracy in this context
00:28:15.960
of a globalized world,
00:28:18.880
where money is not necessarily tied to one location.
00:28:23.880
The plutocrat is not necessarily identifying himself
00:28:27.040
with a place where they live
00:28:28.440
because they may live anywhere.
00:28:30.800
They may have many places,
00:28:32.240
in many parts of the world where they live.
00:28:34.240
So they become internationalized.
00:28:36.000
There is no attachment anymore to the local, I think,
00:28:38.880
or it's a weakened attachment to the local.
00:28:41.440
They'd be fine to local interests, local values.
00:28:44.920
And so I call this also a nihilistic form of plutocracy
00:28:48.800
as a result.
00:28:50.120
So you believe that Trump is aligned with the plutocrats,
00:28:55.120
whether he is aware of it or not.
00:28:58.760
Do you believe he's aware of his plutocratic allegiances?
00:29:03.720
Or is it just something that is structurally guiding him
00:29:09.240
regardless of his own sense of what his true mission
00:29:13.000
is as president of the United States?
00:29:15.080
I certainly think that the structural alignment
00:29:17.400
is what is most important causally
00:29:20.320
and for explanatory purposes,
00:29:22.000
but I think he also, of course,
00:29:23.800
identifies with plutocracy,
00:29:26.440
identifies with these rich.
00:29:29.120
You may remember this wonderful occasion,
00:29:31.240
which he explained to us when he told the visiting Chinese
00:29:35.920
president Xi Jinping that Justin attack had occurred against Syria,
00:29:40.920
and he said he told him this over dessert at Mar-a-Lago,
00:29:46.640
and that even on one of one of four chocolates cake,
00:29:49.560
it had been.
00:29:50.400
So how do you account for that discrepancy
00:29:56.240
with the populist rhetoric and his campaign?
00:29:59.560
He was convincingly passionate about his populism
00:30:04.920
and his nationalism, America, first.
00:30:07.840
Of course, his America was a very particular America.
00:30:10.680
It wasn't the whole America,
00:30:12.120
it was a certain kind of reduced version of America,
00:30:14.800
but nevertheless, he still loves to go to the rallies
00:30:19.000
even now that he's been elected.
00:30:21.160
He seems to feel a strong sense of connection
00:30:26.160
to the people who elected him who are far from plutocrats
00:30:31.240
on the contrary.
00:30:32.200
There are the ones whom the plutocrats are always screwing over,
00:30:35.960
no?
00:30:36.800
Yes.
00:30:38.120
How does he get away with this blatant contradiction?
00:30:42.920
Well, he likes to bathe in the masses clearly.
00:30:45.960
This is, he gets very great satisfaction out of being
00:30:51.280
with his crowd, with homie can identify,
00:30:54.400
and he certainly has some of that taste.
00:30:56.520
I understand, but don't you think that he would be careful
00:30:59.560
not to turn them against him by passing
00:31:02.880
the healthcare reform bill, which just happened yesterday?
00:31:05.880
His policy, since he's been in office,
00:31:11.800
have seemed to be designed to alienate the very people
00:31:16.800
in whose praise he wants to bask.
00:31:22.040
Yes, this is very strange phenomenon,
00:31:24.240
and that's why I called my talk
00:31:26.680
between populist rhetoric and plutocratic rule.
00:31:30.640
He seems to position himself somewhere in that space
00:31:34.280
and moves back and forth between it.
00:31:37.040
He doesn't always seem to kind of care or think
00:31:40.360
about the consequences of these policies
00:31:42.440
that he's actually promoting, whether they will
00:31:46.000
appeal even to his supporters or not.
00:31:48.040
He hopes or they believes they will,
00:31:50.600
without, in any way, look closely at them.
00:31:53.040
I think he will be disappointed eventually.
00:31:55.920
So from the point of view of what you call the common good,
00:31:59.840
in this case the American public interest,
00:32:02.200
do you think we're better off with someone
00:32:03.880
who is that confused about what he's up to
00:32:07.640
and who is so disoriented in his own sense of motivation,
00:32:12.640
that we're better off with a very confused plutocratic
00:32:17.360
than we would be with a very clear-minded one?
00:32:22.880
Yes, this is a wonderful question.
00:32:24.400
Some of my friends say,
00:32:27.680
"Start saying, wouldn't it be wonderful if Trump
00:32:31.720
"was forced to resign or just gave up on his position
00:32:35.400
"because he can't bear all this work anymore?"
00:32:38.800
And then they go on to say,
00:32:39.840
"But wouldn't Pence be worse?"
00:32:42.360
Because he seems to be much more the standard
00:32:44.600
conservative Republican, right?
00:32:46.280
And in one feels he would be worse.
00:32:49.200
Well, I think he would, only in the sense that he provides
00:32:54.680
this very benevolent face to anything
00:32:58.280
but benevolent sort of political agenda.
00:33:01.920
Yeah.
00:33:02.760
And if there's any consolation,
00:33:06.040
is that with Trump, what you see is what you get.
00:33:08.000
But the problem is that what you see,
00:33:09.400
as you say, you don't know how to understand it.
00:33:12.920
You don't know what to make of it.
00:33:15.040
The disorientation, the empire of disorientation
00:33:18.840
has so colonized his own psyche
00:33:21.560
that he can say and believe something one day,
00:33:24.800
and it's opposite the next day.
00:33:27.480
So there is this, what you call this surface turbulence
00:33:34.000
associated with him and his presidency.
00:33:39.000
But you believe that beneath the surface turbulence,
00:33:41.680
there is actually a steady, recognizable politics
00:33:47.440
of plutocracy, is that correct?
00:33:49.960
Well, I don't want to say that he is enacting this,
00:33:53.320
but it is a historical phenomenon that plutocracy,
00:33:57.600
which was once dominant in the United States,
00:34:01.080
in the late 19th century,
00:34:02.880
the beginning of the 20th century,
00:34:04.760
has made a comeback of a since Reagan Ronald Reagan
00:34:08.760
and has kind of asserted itself one more.
00:34:11.360
And Trump is in some ways the visible outcome
00:34:14.280
he is the tip of the iceberg, what I'm really interested in
00:34:18.320
is the iceberg itself.
00:34:19.640
Right.
00:34:20.480
Yes, in fact, and you quote, Richard Pettigrew,
00:34:25.080
who wrote this book called Triumphant Plutocracy
00:34:27.720
back in the early 20th century,
00:34:29.800
he was a one-time US senator from South Dakota.
00:34:33.280
And I'd like to quote for our listeners what he wrote
00:34:36.960
back then when he said,
00:34:39.040
when I entered the arena of public affairs in 1870,
00:34:42.520
the United States was just recovering from the effects
00:34:45.120
of the Civil War, the transformation from that day
00:34:49.040
to this is complete.
00:34:51.040
I saw the government of the United States
00:34:52.960
enter into a struggle with the trusts,
00:34:55.800
the railroads and the banks,
00:34:57.600
and I watched while the business forces won the contest.
00:35:01.200
I saw the empire of business
00:35:02.960
with his innumerable ramifications,
00:35:05.120
grow up around and above the structure of government.
00:35:09.760
I watched the power over public affairs shift
00:35:12.520
from the weak and structure of the Republican political
00:35:15.000
machinery to the vigorous new business empire.
00:35:20.000
And he wrote that after he had left the US Senate disillusioned
00:35:25.120
and he concludes in that book that the rise of American
00:35:30.600
plutocracy had already been mapped out
00:35:32.640
in the United States Constitution.
00:35:34.760
So to quote him again, when I entered the Senate,
00:35:36.840
I did not understand what it was I was facing.
00:35:39.240
When I left the Senate, I knew that the forms of our government
00:35:42.160
and the machinery of its administration
00:35:44.360
were established and maintained for the benefit
00:35:47.520
of the class that held the economic and political power.
00:35:51.480
Documents like the Constitution, which I as a child
00:35:54.360
had been taught to regard as almost divine in their origin,
00:35:57.920
stood before me for what they were, plans
00:36:00.920
prepared by businessmen to stabilize business interests.
00:36:06.680
This is heavy disillusionment.
00:36:09.120
Absolutely, yes.
00:36:10.640
Maybe we wouldn't want to identify completely with his
00:36:13.360
judgment here.
00:36:14.720
I wouldn't want to identify completely, not that I want to
00:36:19.480
venerate the Constitution as a sacred text.
00:36:22.600
But at the same time, you could see the history of our
00:36:28.840
republic since the Civil War as an ongoing struggle
00:36:33.600
between a plutocracy and the public interest that the
00:36:39.520
government has in some oftentimes tried to represent.
00:36:44.040
You go on to say that while the Pluto Crats had won when he
00:36:47.720
was writing with Roosevelt and the new deal, there was a
00:36:51.640
kind of resurgence of a government for the people and its
00:36:58.960
public interest.
00:37:00.120
And that a number of measures were passed in different
00:37:04.480
periods, in cyclical periods where you have health coverage,
00:37:08.080
you have public education, you have projects like the
00:37:12.960
education, founding of universities, all those things
00:37:16.000
that we are proud of in the history of our republic,
00:37:20.400
seem to have taken place under regimes where the
00:37:24.280
plutocrats were marginalized to a certain extent.
00:37:28.680
And then there are other periods where they come back with
00:37:30.840
the vengeance.
00:37:31.400
Now, are we just in a cyclical period with Trump or since
00:37:35.240
Reagan, where now the plutocracy is having its day and that
00:37:40.880
we will maybe somewhere down the line go back to a
00:37:44.920
government which is more aligned to the public interest or
00:37:49.000
something new happening today?
00:37:50.520
I want to say it's both cyclical and something new.
00:37:55.000
So I want to distinguish actually three levels in the political
00:37:59.840
development.
00:38:01.240
One of them is these surface tribulations, turbulence,
00:38:05.360
and the Trump and the shock he produced and his
00:38:10.560
psychological instability in some ways are part of that
00:38:13.520
turbulence.
00:38:14.200
But below that there are kind of more deeper flows and
00:38:18.080
currents and then there is a third deepest level that we
00:38:21.280
also have to look at.
00:38:22.560
So the second level, the middle level for me is this
00:38:25.560
resurgence of plutocracy.
00:38:28.040
But we have to see that this is taking place now in an
00:38:31.040
environment different from the head of the late 19th century.
00:38:34.000
It's taking place in a much better knowledge as the world.
00:38:37.720
It's a globalized world that makes this accumulation, this
00:38:41.680
vast amounts of money and therefore vast political
00:38:45.200
potential possible.
00:38:46.920
So what we are observing is a structural change here,
00:38:50.200
not one that has only to do with local policies.
00:38:53.480
It's a global phenomenon.
00:38:55.720
And that's what we need to get into grip.
00:38:57.960
The question is, are we now entering a long period of
00:39:02.280
plutocratic rule made possible by these technological
00:39:05.520
changes?
00:39:07.760
Do you believe that Marx's analysis of capitalism is at
00:39:11.280
all pertinent to this new global capital,
00:39:16.480
do you think that the plutocratic organized or did he,
00:39:20.640
could he, he could not have foreseen such a new development
00:39:23.680
of the way capital could be so concentrated in the hands of
00:39:26.640
so very few on a global scale?
00:39:28.520
Well, it didn't foresee this global scale, of course,
00:39:31.520
of accumulation of money and power.
00:39:35.600
But certainly, yes, something to offer, whether we can look
00:39:39.520
forward to the proletariat overthrowing this new regime,
00:39:44.960
that's a different question.
00:39:46.080
Is he good as a prophet, I want to say?
00:39:48.160
No, he wasn't.
00:39:49.000
No, but when you get the proletariat or at least a large
00:39:54.120
proportion of the Trump electorate would belong to the
00:39:58.440
proletariat, when you have them voting in the plutocratic,
00:40:01.920
we do live in an empire of complete disorientation.
00:40:04.640
It just still boggles the mind that it's exactly the wrong
00:40:10.640
people choosing someone to represent their interests or the
00:40:15.840
people choosing the wrong person to represent their interests.
00:40:18.440
And you say that the plutocracy today points in a new
00:40:23.120
direction than the previous, because it's no longer a
00:40:27.920
struggle over sovereignty, sovereignty of the state or the
00:40:32.920
independence of the plutocrats.
00:40:35.760
But in the direction of an integration and unity of the
00:40:38.560
political and economic realm, and this has something to do with
00:40:44.160
the fate of the state in our day and age.
00:40:48.400
And I take it that you believe the state is at the moment,
00:40:56.800
not withering away, but it's undergoing such a
00:41:00.760
transformation of its role that it is being absorbed into the
00:41:07.520
plutocracy.
00:41:08.520
And it's certainly not a counter force of the
00:41:10.880
plutocracy, but it is being enlisted by the plutocrats.
00:41:15.000
So it's undergoing a functional change, not necessarily a great
00:41:19.680
institutional change.
00:41:20.760
So that deceives us, it makes us think that the structures,
00:41:25.040
the institutions are still there, but they are doing something
00:41:27.800
completely different now.
00:41:30.120
If you want to look at the human appendix, it was once an
00:41:34.760
important part of the human body, but now it has become an
00:41:38.320
appendix, it has completely changed its function.
00:41:41.400
But plutocracy needs state.
00:41:43.520
Yes, it needs an order, right exactly, that order will be.
00:41:48.600
So do we mean by state a particular kind of political system
00:41:53.880
that operates in a particular way, let's say it's through
00:41:56.440
democratic elections?
00:41:57.960
Or do we mean simply an order at a specific level of magnitude
00:42:03.200
right, the state for us is also something which is smaller than a
00:42:09.160
global system, global empire, but it's also larger than a
00:42:13.440
city.
00:42:14.440
So and that kind of structure, I'm sure, will be
00:42:17.480
maintained.
00:42:18.080
But the question is, how will it function?
00:42:20.880
What purpose is will it serve?
00:42:23.400
How will it fit into this larger system?
00:42:25.880
Right.
00:42:27.160
And here I'd like to be Foucaulti and the suspicious about
00:42:30.600
the perversity of power and its operations and suggest or ask if
00:42:36.000
you agree that some perverse way, flutocracy might require
00:42:41.840
precisely the democratic form of government as the most
00:42:45.400
efficient form of government to promote its own interests, if
00:42:49.560
only because democracy conjugates so well with capitalism.
00:42:55.160
So China, for example, if it were the old communist top down
00:43:02.360
regime without a vibrant market economy would not be nearly
00:43:07.560
as advantageous to the plutocrats as a more liberalized
00:43:11.960
market.
00:43:13.760
So this is what I'm curious about is how necessary is the
00:43:18.640
democratic form of government, at least in appearance, or how
00:43:23.200
desirable is it for this global pro-tocracy that's coming into
00:43:28.240
being?
00:43:29.240
Well, we can't be profit.
00:43:31.240
So we can't really foretell.
00:43:33.520
There are certainly interests that plutocrats have, namely
00:43:37.360
any ruler has, namely to be legitimized, to be accepted by
00:43:42.080
the population and democratic processes.
00:43:45.360
However, fake or false or superficial, they may be can serve
00:43:49.280
that purpose.
00:43:49.920
So yes, we can see the maintenance of some form of democracy
00:43:55.680
coming together with plutocracy at the same time.
00:43:59.520
But do you believe that we can have this kind of wild
00:44:03.520
capitalism without democratic forms of government?
00:44:08.840
Is a wild capitalism possible under strictly authoritarian
00:44:14.640
regimes?
00:44:15.200
I don't know.
00:44:15.960
I ask this question without knowing exactly the answer to
00:44:18.880
my suspicion somehow is that democracy is necessary for this
00:44:24.480
new global order.
00:44:25.800
But the question is, are we going to be in a period of
00:44:28.320
wild capitalism, right?
00:44:29.840
We have been through one, but what is now forming at these
00:44:34.760
big global monopolies, as well, right?
00:44:38.320
And they are not interested in wild competition.
00:44:43.640
They want to maintain their power in the market, their
00:44:46.360
dominance in the market.
00:44:48.560
Yes, I guess that's true.
00:44:50.400
Although those markets require consumers.
00:44:52.800
Now, this is what I'm, I suppose I'm wondering is whether the
00:44:58.000
consumer society on which this global accumulation of
00:45:01.440
capital is predicated, whether the consumer must also be
00:45:07.520
conceived of as a voting citizen of at least a nominal
00:45:13.160
democracy.
00:45:13.840
I don't know.
00:45:15.160
Why, he must be conceived as voting through his shopping,
00:45:19.400
right?
00:45:20.400
Which product he will buy?
00:45:21.760
That will certainly be an issue.
00:45:24.280
Right.
00:45:25.280
But whether it will involve making political choices is a
00:45:28.640
different question.
00:45:30.280
As we know, very few people, relatively few people go to
00:45:33.480
vote these days, right, because they feel their vote doesn't
00:45:36.760
make any difference.
00:45:38.560
When you find out why they don't vote, they have all kinds of
00:45:41.480
reasons, some say the systems hopeless.
00:45:45.280
Some people say it doesn't matter who gets elected.
00:45:47.240
They are all good.
00:45:48.840
Some people have some personal reasons why they don't vote.
00:45:52.200
But we know that very large numbers of people in our Western
00:45:55.520
democracies don't vote anymore.
00:45:57.480
Right.
00:45:58.360
But public opinion is still a strong force.
00:46:01.200
And until recently, one could think that public opinion is
00:46:06.040
the bulwark against an over concentration of wealth in the
00:46:10.200
hands of the few.
00:46:12.680
And yet we see that the manipulation of public opinion is
00:46:18.000
pervasive.
00:46:19.720
And it often serves the interests of a plutocracy to be
00:46:24.440
able to create the proper kind of consumer society, which
00:46:37.360
seems to rely on this notion that the consumer has
00:46:40.160
this is free choice and is an autonomous agent of choices that if
00:46:45.760
only when it comes to the shopping of what you choose and
00:46:49.400
what you don't choose to buy and so forth.
00:46:51.400
So the market in that sense, I think, is intrinsically
00:46:57.760
democratic, not in the political sense per se, but
00:47:00.560
democratic in the sense that it brings all the people
00:47:02.560
together because the economy requires the full participation
00:47:07.040
of the consumer in it.
00:47:08.720
And in that respect, how you control the consumer and
00:47:12.720
through public opinion and market strategies, I think
00:47:17.480
is something else to be taken into consideration.
00:47:22.040
Absolutely.
00:47:22.680
So but the manipulation is made possible, increasingly, so
00:47:26.640
through these new technologies.
00:47:28.560
And we know that Donald Trump heavily used technologies,
00:47:35.720
manipulation of opinion in this election campaign.
00:47:38.840
He employed Robert Mercer from Cambridge Analytica.
00:47:43.000
And they kind of gave him a very detailed advice not to
00:47:48.280
how to get people to vote for him, but to disassuate people
00:47:52.800
from voting for the opponent.
00:47:55.320
And they were very successful in this.
00:47:58.120
So manipulation, both in the political sphere and in the
00:48:01.480
commercial sphere is possible, right?
00:48:03.120
And that's not very democratic anymore.
00:48:06.320
No, it's not yet you need people to develop those
00:48:09.520
technologies.
00:48:10.640
You need a banking system, but will process all of the
00:48:17.840
capital that's running through the system.
00:48:20.120
You need to give people the consumer enough leeway so
00:48:25.160
that you can actually incorporate and absorb the genius
00:48:29.800
that comes out of people when you put them to work in
00:48:32.200
certain ways with new inventions and so forth.
00:48:35.120
So this allowing the people, a certain margin of
00:48:40.920
democratic freedom, serves the interests of a
00:48:43.600
plutocracy in the final analysis if they are as marks at
00:48:47.000
controlling the means of that production in
00:48:50.840
devious and serious ways, maybe not obvious on the
00:48:53.800
surface.
00:48:55.040
So I would like to say that what we have seen and still
00:48:59.240
observing is this rise of plutocratic forms of governance, but
00:49:04.480
we need to ask ourselves how stable that is.
00:49:06.960
We don't know.
00:49:07.880
We shouldn't assume that this form of government is
00:49:11.440
necessarily stable arrangement.
00:49:13.280
If we look at the history, we see that plutocratic regimes
00:49:16.800
are deposed like any other regimes, right?
00:49:19.440
And they disappear and disappear in different ways.
00:49:23.200
So sometimes they become dynastic systems.
00:49:25.800
There's always a dynasticism in every
00:49:28.880
plutocracy, think about Trump and his family, right?
00:49:33.560
There's also the competition of other plutocrats,
00:49:37.160
in the enemy, the greatest enemy of the plutocrat is the
00:49:41.040
plutocrat, right?
00:49:42.440
The competitor who wants to outdo somebody else, the
00:49:47.040
enemy is sometimes also the offspring who wants to get rid
00:49:51.920
of the plutocrat or it's the revolution that overthrows
00:49:55.640
a plutocratic regime.
00:50:00.080
Or let me say last one, maybe the excesses of plutocracy can
00:50:07.480
bring down their own form as maybe happened in 1929.
00:50:12.360
Sure.
00:50:14.360
And here you and I are thinking that we don't yet identify
00:50:20.400
completely, as you say, there's always a degree of uncertainty
00:50:23.720
in the political, but especially nowadays, you have to be
00:50:28.120
trying to almost be asistic about seeing what actually might
00:50:31.720
fit and not fit the phenomenon.
00:50:33.880
But in terms of the enemies among the plutocrats, I wanted to
00:50:37.440
come back to that third thing about Trump, that I guess less
00:50:42.000
persuaded by to a degree than you seem to suggest, which is
00:50:46.440
that understanding him requires remembering that he is a
00:50:49.680
self-made man.
00:50:51.600
And you do mention that he's not technically a self-made man
00:50:54.720
because he was born into great wealth, but that he has all the
00:50:59.440
behavior and characteristics of a self-made man because he
00:51:02.560
seems to resent the plutocratic class.
00:51:07.080
He seems to be despised by many of them.
00:51:11.440
He has an aggressive self-reliance on his own opinion and
00:51:16.280
his own intuition, very typical of the self-made man.
00:51:21.360
He has a certain degree of vulgarity that comes with the
00:51:24.920
Nuvo reach and so forth.
00:51:27.640
All this I found persuasive on the one hand, but paradoxical
00:51:30.960
on the other because he actually was born into that class of
00:51:35.080
the super rich and had all the benefits of having a rich
00:51:38.840
father who favored his enterprises.
00:51:42.040
So can you say more about what are the personality characteristics
00:51:46.640
of the self-made man in Donald Trump that you think are
00:51:50.200
important to take into consideration?
00:51:52.200
Well, I think you mentioned many of them.
00:51:54.440
The question is, why would he have these sentiments when he
00:51:58.760
really comes from already a rich family?
00:52:00.640
He'd done a super rich family, but still nevertheless for
00:52:02.960
my rich background.
00:52:04.840
This may have to do something with his personal history.
00:52:07.600
I mean, I've done some reading there and it seems that he was
00:52:12.200
kept very short, very short leash.
00:52:14.320
He was sent to military school.
00:52:19.320
He was not raised in great comfort and luxury.
00:52:22.760
So that may have given him the sense that whatever he achieved
00:52:25.720
achieved on his own.
00:52:27.560
Well, certainly there are some syndrome, if you want to be
00:52:31.400
psychoanalytic about it, that seems to correspond to what is
00:52:34.960
known as weak ego formation, where you have a weak ego
00:52:40.080
formation, there is nothing from the, there's a constant hunger
00:52:43.800
and desire for affirmation from the outside.
00:52:48.440
But none of it will ever actually satisfy because it's a
00:52:54.440
kind of hole through which everything kind of leaks away.
00:52:57.320
And nothing sticks.
00:52:58.360
And this weak ego formation seems to be there at the root of
00:53:03.600
this need for constant ego gratification that is endless
00:53:07.760
because it has a hole somewhere at the center of it.
00:53:14.480
So in recent Associated Press interview, he goes through this
00:53:20.560
long list of people he has been dealing with all these foreign
00:53:24.080
leaders.
00:53:24.560
He has been speaking to, he keeps constantly saying that he has
00:53:27.440
had great relationship, he has established.
00:53:30.760
And then it ends up, the interview ends up by saying that
00:53:33.840
democratic congressman has recently told him that he will be
00:53:37.280
the greatest president in history.
00:53:40.280
So everything about him is great, but he's the greatest.
00:53:44.280
And he has given the greatest, and somebody else has told him
00:53:47.280
he's given the greatest address ever in Congress.
00:53:52.120
So it has to be also not only great, but the greatest as far as
00:53:55.440
he's concerned with that.
00:53:57.560
So I'm curious about this from a political point of view.
00:54:01.160
When I look at some of these types, these leaders, and also
00:54:06.560
in North Korea and elsewhere, how important is human psychology
00:54:13.040
when it comes to the political, when you're dealing with
00:54:15.120
individuals who have such markets, idiosyncrasies, and who
00:54:20.640
psyches are so unstable from many points of view that all the
00:54:26.760
kind of rules that otherwise dominate the institutional
00:54:30.480
reality of politics have to be put in suspension because there's a
00:54:38.080
psyche at work, which is completely outside of the bounds of our
00:54:42.880
grasp.
00:54:43.960
Well, institutions are there to kind of control the office
00:54:46.960
holders of course, and they do that, and we see that happening
00:54:50.480
all the time.
00:54:51.480
Yeah, we see that happening to some extent.
00:54:53.480
So he's being controlled by the Congress, by the Republican
00:54:57.480
Party, by business interests of various sorts, right?
00:55:00.760
So there's many ways in which he has to change his policies.
00:55:05.480
But his personnel, character, still expresses itself.
00:55:08.960
It's there in his words, but also to some extent in his
00:55:11.840
policies.
00:55:13.080
And there's this peculiar combination in dictatorial regimes.
00:55:17.480
There's much less constrained, of course, but he is nevertheless
00:55:21.400
still as long as we are living in a constitutional system.
00:55:24.880
Yeah, there's still certain controls on him.
00:55:27.280
Right.
00:55:28.280
So Hans, I wanted to address this larger picture that you
00:55:33.520
end your lecture with about nihilism.
00:55:37.960
And here I'm remembering the end of your book about politics
00:55:43.840
and the search for the common good.
00:55:45.280
And when we were discussing that book on our previous show,
00:55:49.280
at the end of that book, you say that we're in a position
00:55:51.600
where we have to think the contemporary without banisters, if you
00:55:57.000
want to use Hanoi, it's metaphor because the new is so new
00:56:01.200
that we can't rely on older guidelines.
00:56:06.200
And that now it seems like you're fulfilling this promise.
00:56:10.000
At the end of that book that you're doing a diagnostic of the
00:56:13.560
contemporary of the present in the political sphere.
00:56:16.800
But at the end of your lecture, you do provide this larger framework
00:56:21.360
of nihilism and invoke Nietzsche who says that we are living in an age
00:56:28.320
of as yet incomplete nihilism.
00:56:31.000
And Nietzsche who was writing, you know, 150 years ago said, I am
00:56:37.080
projecting for the next 200 years the story of this nihilism.
00:56:42.720
And you say that those 200 years are still not up.
00:56:45.800
And how do we understand nihilism?
00:56:49.680
Nietzsche speaks about it as the highest values devaluate themselves.
00:56:55.040
But you say that this is not a situation in which there are no values.
00:57:00.960
And nihilism is not a condition of Hanoi.
00:57:03.360
It is rather a state in which the values we possess have become unanchored.
00:57:07.880
And this will show itself in a multiplication of values in the production of
00:57:11.760
ever new values.
00:57:13.080
But also in their ever continuing devaluation in their constantly being
00:57:18.080
discarded and replaced, values themselves have thus lost their value.
00:57:23.760
It seems to me like in this last section of your lecture, we leap outside of the
00:57:29.080
discussion we've been having here on air.
00:57:31.320
And we're talking about something much more difficult to think, which is
00:57:37.560
values being incapable of retaining their value in the particular age that we live
00:57:42.960
in, which would be the age of nihilism.
00:57:45.720
How do you understand the relation between politics and this kind of nihilism?
00:57:49.880
In the Trump era, let's say.
00:57:51.840
Well, politics is always the search for some common ground, a common good, common
00:57:56.160
interest that we share, right, a common agenda that we can engage in.
00:58:00.440
And it typically involves reliance on drawing on certain values.
00:58:05.200
We cannot identify whether it's justice or equality or freedom.
00:58:09.920
But what we find ourselves now in is the situation in which all these different
00:58:15.160
issues are up for grabs.
00:58:18.040
And we have this kind of rotation or this kind of unanchoring of these
00:58:23.760
interests and values that we see kind of happening in the political scene.
00:58:29.280
And for the first time ever, I have become very concerned and alarmed by the fact that
00:58:37.120
in America, America was being a country of immigrants, everyone coming from some other
00:58:41.640
homeland here that there is not a sense of nativeist identity.
00:58:47.480
And therefore it was our form of government which provided the real home of the American
00:58:53.720
citizen.
00:58:55.080
And that form of government is basically a set of principles that until recently I thought
00:59:01.640
would never be questioned or submitted to the nihilistic devaluation of those values.
00:59:08.360
And this would be, you mentioned freedom being one of them, the rights of the individual,
00:59:16.520
the rule of law and of justice, a government by consent of the governed and a system of
00:59:25.600
government based on checks and balances of power to prevent the consolidation of power
00:59:31.440
in tyrannical forms and so forth.
00:59:34.200
I am wondering whether the nihilism Nietzsche speaks about that we were still involved in
00:59:45.440
is corroding the homeland of America which is founded on these principles as such.
00:59:57.800
The other one being the huge one being the difference between truth and falsity.
01:00:04.000
What is true and what is not true and our commitment to facts, a nation of fact, pragmatism
01:00:08.400
and so forth.
01:00:10.520
Do you worry that this kind of founding secular religion of the American republic is being
01:00:19.600
submitted to the same sort of relativity?
01:00:21.600
Absolutely, absolutely.
01:00:23.680
So I am also attracted to another characterization of nihilism which I mentioned in my talk as
01:00:28.680
well which is due to a contemporary Chinese philosopher, CJ Y, who describes nihilism as
01:00:36.320
the desublimation of the world to power.
01:00:40.080
So we have learned to control our will to power by adopting making these values, our
01:00:45.720
own, these are constraints of the world to power but we are now abandoning those and so
01:00:50.840
we find ourselves back in a situation where the world to power expresses itself directly
01:00:56.040
in the pursuit of money and the pursuit of political influence, political dominance, where these
01:01:01.880
become the ends in themselves now for us.
01:01:07.000
And I think we can see that in some ways that the values that have guided in some ways
01:01:13.800
that were public since it's beginning no longer taken seriously and behind them is this
01:01:21.720
cynicism of power and the sale of political power for money as well.
01:01:28.640
That is so pervasive now.
01:01:31.400
If you read Jane Mayer's recent book, Dark Money, showing how money has begun to undermine
01:01:39.120
everything in political life now.
01:01:43.320
Sure, but I have to believe that there is enough reserve, reservoir of faith in the founding
01:01:49.720
principles in the populace at large no matter how strange the voting patterns can be from one
01:01:55.240
electoral cycle to another that the republicans still has a large reservoir of commitment
01:02:06.200
and that it will somehow preserve us from the worst excesses of the desublimation of the
01:02:10.440
world to power.
01:02:11.440
I might be wrong about that, but it seems to me that I can still at least hope that
01:02:21.240
that reservoir exists.
01:02:22.640
Sure, but in order to do that we have to learn to diagnose the present, right?
01:02:27.080
We have to understand what's going on.
01:02:28.800
Right.
01:02:29.800
And that's what we've been doing.
01:02:30.800
That's what we have been trying to do, yes.
01:02:32.960
And of course, it's always frustrating because diagnosing the present is diagnosing and
01:02:38.200
also prognosticating a future, which is even more hazardous enterprise, but that's part
01:02:45.280
of the riskful enterprise of thinking in the midst of the contemporary.
01:02:50.120
It's not like being a historian of some sort.
01:02:55.000
And I promised our listeners that we would be thinking in the midst of thoughtlessness
01:03:00.440
and we certainly have been trying to do that with our guest professor Hans Slougat from
01:03:06.640
Berkeley University.
01:03:08.560
So I would, I want to thank you again for coming on and this conversation.
01:03:12.920
I do hope that this lecture you gave is going to be the almost like a blueprint for the
01:03:20.040
next book that you're working on.
01:03:22.240
That's the plan, yes.
01:03:23.240
Is that the plan?
01:03:24.920
And we'll look forward to having a look at that when it comes out and having you back
01:03:30.480
on in title opinions at that moment.
01:03:34.080
Thank you so much.
01:03:35.400
So thank you again and we'll be with you very shortly from title opinions.
01:03:40.040
I'm Robert Harrison.
01:03:41.040
Bye bye.
01:03:42.040
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